Odoyaal, Waxgarad iyo Siyaasiyiin Soomaaliyeed oo ku sugan Magaaladda Muqdisho ayaa soo dhaweeyey shirka la filayo in maalinta beri ah uu ka furmo Magaalada London oo ay qabanqaabadiisa wado Dowladda Ingiriiska ayaa haddana xubnahaasi waxay Ingiriiska uga digeen in faragelinta Soomaaliya ay u adeegsato Dowladaha Kenya iyo Itoobiya oo ay sheegeen in ay cadaawad kala dhexeyso shacabka Soomaaliyeed.

“faragelintii Itoobiya ee sanadkii 2006 iyo 2007 waxaa ee Soomaaliya waxaa Itoobiya qandaraaas ku siiyey Dowladda Mareykanka, waana la ogaa halka uu ka dambeeyey, waxaana laga dhaxlay dhimasho, dhaawac,Barakac iyo burbur hantiyadeed, waxaana hadda noo muuqanaya in dowladda Ingiriiska ay mar kale soo cusbooneysiineyso qandaraaskaasi, isla markaana Dowladda Itoobiya iyo Kenya ay u isticmaasho qaab Milatari oo ay Soomaaliya mar kale ku galaan, waxaana tusaale kuu ah sida ay Dowladda Kenya u soo gashay Soomaaliya bishii October ee sanadkii laga soo gudbay, iyo waliba faragelinta Itoobiya ay haatan ku soo galeyso Soomaaliya gaar ahaan gobalada Bay, Bakool iyo Hiiraan”.

Waxay intaas sii raaciyeen “Maxaa xiligaan ku soo beegay in ciidamada Itoobiya oo aad u fara badan ay mar kale soo galaan Soomaaliya, waana mashruuc ay ka dambeyso dowladda Ingiriiska oo ay ku dooneyso in mar kale Soomaaliya loo horseedo dhimasho, dhaawac , Barakac iyo burbur, waxaana ugu baaqeynaa Dowladda Ingiriiska in ay arrimahasi ka digtoonaato, sidoo kale Dowladda Ingiriiska waxay dooneysaa in ciidamada Kenya iyo Itoobiya iyo waliba kuwa AMISOM ee ku sugan Soomaaliya ay ku shaqeeyaan magaca Qaramada Midoobey, sidaasi darted waxaana Dowladda Ingiriiska kula talineynaa in ay arrimahasi ka digtoonaato, waayo Soomaaliya waxaa ku filan faragelintii ay horey u soo martay”.

Berito oo ku beegan 23-ka bisha oo uu shirku furmayo ayaa waxaa muuqata in Ciidamada Itoobiya ay ku sii siqayaan Magaalada Baydhabo, waxayna wararka la helayo sheegayaan in ay deegaanka Bardaale la wareegeen ciidamo Itoobiyaan oo qiyaastii Baydhabo u jira 75Km. Waxgaradkaan ayaa hoosta ka xariiqay in Soomaaliya mar kale wajaheyso dhibaatooyin dhinacyo badan leh.

When I read Muktar M. Omer’s article of “ONLF: Time for Admiral Osman to Go” on WardheerNews on Feb 13, 2012, I decided to enlighten the young writers with the right parameters to measure the progress of any liberation struggle.

The author started his paper saying “I am only trying to salvage the struggle, not to weaken it”That could in fact be a good intention, but after reading the result of his analysis, many innocent people may think that he made a profound research on the subject he judged and his intentions were good. However, there are many insights that the writer indispensably needed to consider before evaluating the kind of progress a liberation front may make or may be expected. There are a number of parameters that he hasn’t used to determine the growth of ONLF and whether they are making progress or not. There are scores of yardsticks that could be employed to quantify the progress of such a kind of entity and some of the parameter may have a good deal of weight than others, while many indicators of success may have less than one percent weight. The reason that compelled me to comment on Mukhtar’s judgment is that several people may not search the reliability of the result of his analysis, because if the reliability of his finding is very low, his whole message will be discredited. 

Quoting again the writers statements, he said “We cannot fault the ONLF leadership for their efforts. They tried their best. But, in the end, we judge them by their results, not by their efforts”. As a rule of the thumb that is common sense to attract the attention of the readers, and I will agree with you to use this as a concluding balance for our final judgment. 

I do not mean to defend ONLF or the Admiral, but just for the common good, to edify the writer of this article a superior message that would help him in the future to make a fine judgment before he tries to evaluate and analyse such a kind of complex organization that consist of social, political, military, diplomatic, environmental as well as historical anecdote. I would like to coach the young writer the right parameters that he must have used by disproving his findings as shown in the following statements: 

In liberation struggles, survival is tolerable as a benchmark of success only in the battlefields, faced against a mightier adversary. A liberation front, fighting for a just cause, cannot be expected to be content with survival for more than two decades. It must make progress; it must win new allies; it must broaden its support base. Far from achieving this, the ONLF is stagnating. There is no single idea, strategy or support base that has joined the Front for over a decade.

As I said before, there is one immense inaccuracy the writer made. He used off beam parametersto measure the development that a liberation struggle could be expected to compose. While the writer was making this analysis, he completely ignored that at this very moment, the most inhuman acts of barbarism and cannibalism are being perpetrated in Ogaden by the criminal Neo-Nazi Abyssinian thugs of the tyrant Meles Zenawi, using Janjawit-like militia they named Liyu-police as death squads who shamelessly impersonate the only force. Hence the writer put his emphasis on his mere subjective judgment of what he did not have a handle on it very much. 

In order to measure the success of any liberation organization, the young writer should have used the following indicators of success: The mission of the organization; the impression of the world towards the fighting organization; the power of the occupying regime or government whatever you call it over the liberation organization; the support of the people in the region to the organization; the military might of the struggle; the organization’s allies; and the political flexibility of the struggle; These are only seven of the ten important factors that we can measure the nature of advancement a liberation struggle could make. The other three are exceptionally 

very internal and only insiders can understand and measure them. But, idle people like my friend Mukhtar and I cannot assess them without further in-depth investigation. 
Those questions could be subjectively answered, but it may be biased to put them qualitatively in a categorized way if we simply measure the outcome as less or more, small or big, good or bad. On the other hand, one requires to have their original numbers when one has to quantify their current numbers. Mukhtar doesn’t seem to have all these in hand when he started writing his inoperative speech. Let me shed some light on these seven factors:

What was the mission of ONLF?

The answer is freedom, and freedom cannot come overnight. Abwan Dhodan has perfectly answered in one of his poems, by saying “ninkii ilo biyo leh moodayoow waa ban omana ahe”literally meaning that “those who think freedom is spring of water is not true but rather waterless prairies”. One can then ask if ONLF is on the right track of making Ogaden free or not. Before one rushes answering it, let him/her read the answers to the other parameters.

What is the impression of the world towards ONLF?

Before 1990s, the world was divided on the issue of defining the basket of a liberation organization. But, now the matter is based on historical and factual points and how the actions of any freedom fighter could be aligned with their missions and the kind of human rights violations they are making. There is no doubt that the world knows very much that the Ogaden liberation struggle is the pioneers of the Somali nationalism in the Horn of Africa. The world welcomes the struggle in many official and unofficial meetings. The world hasn’t labeled ONLF as a terrorist organization. Let alone anything else, European Union has finally reached a stage to ticket the EPRDF regime to be terrorists after Ethiopia openly refused the UN-Fact finding mission of 2008 after Obole to be published. The international media, especially the most prominent scholarly magazines, such as New York Times, Washington Post, Newsweek, the Economist, Al-Sharqil Awsat, etc regularly write articles and findings of the gloomy situation of the Somalis in the Ogaden and document how genuine the war of ONLF is. 

There is no disbelief that you have heard how heroically the world journalists are trying to visit the Ogaden and how they risk their precious lives to expose how Somalis are oppressed in the Ogaden. The congress of the United States government which was a great ally of Ethiopia ultimately passed Bill C-2003 to press Ethiopia to stop oppression in the Ogaden. In the history of Ogaden, it is the first time that there are more than 60 MPs (member of parliaments) throughout the world, who are openly advocating within and outside their areas of influences for the freedom of the Ogaden. There are more than 25 international Universities that the young patrons of the struggle hold enlightenments every year. These are all successes that ONLF is to be accredited to under the leadership of Admiral.

What is the power of the occupying regime or government whatever you call it over the liberation organization?

The writer may not be sentient of the reason Ethiopia has been occupying the Ogaden. As witnessed by many, there are over 80 million Ethiopians in the highland whose land is completely dead. The situation in the highland is already unsustainable, and parts of the area are in a Malthusian trap with poor farmers eating up the land, with soil degradation and soil losses due to deforestation. The Ogaden region is the only region that is rich in natural resources, rivers, creeks, streams, cultivable valleys, rangeland, livestock, gas, petroleum, frank cense, you name it. Ethiopia is not able and will not be able to exploit the natural resources in the Ogaden. In all the federal states of the world, the property rights and natural resources belong to the provinces or states, while Article 40 of the new Ethiopian constitution endorses that the natural resources is the sole responsibility of the federal government. This means that, the state or provincial governments does not have any articulation over any natural resource exploited from their very own land. If ONLF clogged Ethiopia from fulfilling this flawed article, isn’t this a progress made by ONLF?

What is the support of the people in the region to ONLF?

 You can measure the progress on this point from different perspectives. Remember the number of social organizations that existed in the past which support the cause. Under the mandate of ONLF offices in the abroad, there are more than five social organizations which are officially registered in every country that support the struggle. The struggle is run by forces with the full support of those who trust the organization. This is in fact an immense achievement and very significant progress that ONLF made so far.

What is the military might of ONLF struggle?

Remember the days when EPRDF used to instigate the local clansmen to fight for minor issues by arming both sides in conflict; the last one being the battle of Ali Hassan and Huwan around Abaqorow where more than 240 innocent young men died from both sides in 1996. Later on, when EPRDF got tired of making this type of unsuccessful inspirations, they created Janjawit-like militia they named Liyu-police to create hatred among the clans and try to force them to tussle against one other. What caused these fights to stop since Abaqorow? Anyone who knows the reality on the ground knows the answer. ONLF is there to intervene the hostility on the spot, and at times unarm the local clansmen when the skirmishing is about to occur. It is indeed an enormous accomplishment that the local people are very proud of their own struggle. Can you speculate how influential ONLF military might is in forcing the local people to bring to a halt burning of trees for charcoal? ONLF controls almost all the rural areas in the Ogaden and no one can deny it.

Has ONLF won allies?

The other opposition groups in Ethiopia have all become futile and are not very much dissimilar from EPRDF. For instance, the mission of Amhara is to swap Tigrai as if their belongings were over taken by a minority group. The Oromo is divided into countless small groups with no direction. Sidama is not dreadfully active currently and not trying to be free or overhaul the power from Tigrai. These are the four important opposition groups which exist by name. None of them are fighting for freedom and yet, ONLF is in good term with all of them so far. No meeting takes place anywhere without the presence of ONLF.

Does ONLF have political flexibility?

So long as there is an intellectual opportunism in Ethiopia, which is understood as a sign of lack of integrity or intellectual shallowness, to the extent that the opportunist is not concerned with the worth of the ideas in themselves, but only with how one can benefit from them, ONLF would opt to continue the struggle as usual and would not waste time with mere traps that does not match its mission. ONLF is flexible politically and has been asking the world to finish the matter on the table where the international community is present. 

Anyway, the tyranny in Ogaden has taken the form of a large scale genocide carried out against seven millions of subjugated and dehumanized Somalis, who are deprived of water, food, life and hope. Killing for the purpose to kill is the order given by the monstrous dictator Zenawi to his new slaves in the Ogaden who are indulged to continue their cruel acts. The struggle for dignity and humanity, freedom and rights from the hell named ‘Ethiopia’, will stand to reason. 

If Mukhtar labelled the Ogaden struggle to be fruitless, can he tell us who else is standing up to fight? Anyway, let us be optimistic and try to make good judgment on these kinds of sensitive issues that their realities are known by all Somalis, hoping that Mukhtar will benefit a lot from the kind of analysis I made and in the future would be very cautious not to hustle things that he did not comprehend much. 

M. Ugas.

21.February.2012 ( Moment Media Group) :-  Hay’ada u dooda xuquuqda aadanaha ee Human Rights Watch  ayaa sheegtay in kooxaha dagaalama ee dalka soomaaliya ay gabi aanba ku guuldraysteen in ay dhowraan xuquuqda caruurta soomaaliyeed.

Warbixin dheer oo ay soo saartay hay’ada ayay ku sheegtay in dhinacyada dagaalamaya ee dalka soomaaliya ay ku guuldaraysteen in caruurta ay ka ilaaliyaan dagaalada iyo askarayntaba .

Hay’da ayaa waxa ay ku eedaysay Alshabaab in ay caruurta ay u adeegasadaan askarnimo iyo tacadiyo kale kuwaasi oo ay ha’adu ku tilmaamtay kuwa waxyeeleeya caruurta,hay’ada ayaa sidoo kale sheegtay in aysan jirin meel ay ku badbaadayaan caruurta soomaaliyeed oo dhan.

Dowlada KMG ayaa samaysay balanqaadyo dabayaaqadii 2010-kii kaasi  oo ku saabsanaa in ay soo afjarayaan u adeegsiga caruurta dagaalada balse hay’ada HRW ayaa sheegtay in ay ku guuldaraysatay.

HOOS KA AKHRI QORAALKA OO DHAN

(London) – Somalia’s warring parties have all failed to protect Somali children from the fighting or serving in their forces, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. The Islamist insurgent group al-Shabaab has increasingly targeted children for recruitment, forced marriage, and rape, and attacked teachers and schools, Human Rights Watch said.

“For children in Somalia, nowhere is safe,” saidZama Coursen-Neff, deputy children’s rights director at Human Rights Watch. “Al-Shabaab rebels have abducted children from their homes and schools to fight, for rape, and for forced marriage.”

The 104-page report,“No Place for Children: Child Recruitment, Forced Marriage, and Attacks on Schools in Somalia,” details unlawful recruitment and other laws-of-war violations against children by all parties to the conflict in Somalia since 2010. The report is based on over 164 interviews with Somali children, including 21 who had escaped from al-Shabaab forces, as well as parents and teachers who had fled to Kenya.

Human Rights Watch called on all parties to the conflict, involving Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and African Union forces (AMISOM) against al-Shabaab, to release any child soldiers in their ranks, protect children formerly associated with fighting forces, and protect schools, teachers, and students from attack.

Since Somalia’s conflict intensified in 2010 and 2011, al-Shabaab has increasingly forced children, some as young as 10, to join its dwindling ranks. After several weeks of harsh training, al-Shabaab’s child recruits are then sent to the front lines, where some serve as “cannon fodder” to protect adult fighters, Human Rights Watch found. Others have been coerced into becoming suicide bombers.A 15-year-old boy told Human Rights Watch that in 2010, “Out of all my classmates – about 100 boys – only two of us escaped, the rest were killed. The children were cleaned off. The children all died and the bigger soldiers ran away.”

Al-Shabaab has also abducted girls for domestic and front-line service, as well as to be wives to al-Shabaab fighters. Families who try to prevent their children’s recruitment or abduction by al-Shabaab, or children who attempt to escape, face severe consequences and even death.

The TFG military and militias aligned with it are deploying children in their forces despite commitments from Somali officials since late 2010 to end the recruitment and use of children, Human Rights Watch said. To date, the TFG has failed to hold anyone to account for this abuse. It has also detained children perceived to be supporters of al-Shabaab instead of providing them with rehabilitation and protection in accordance with international standards.

“Al-Shabaab’s horrific abuses do not excuse Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government’s use of children as soldiers,” Coursen-Neff said. “The TFG should live up to its commitments to stop recruiting and using children as soldiers, and punish those who do. Governments backing the TFG should make clear that these abuses won’t be tolerated.”

Al-Shabaab’s violations of the laws of war include attacks on schools, teachers, and students, Human Rights Watch said. The armed grouphas deployed its fighters and heavy weapons in schools, often packed with students, and used children as “human shields.” Terrified students described to Human Rights Watch being locked in schools, awaiting often indiscriminate return artillery fire from TFG and African Union forces.

In schools in areas under their control, al-Shabaab officials have recruited children and teachers and imposed their harsh interpretation of Islam on the school curriculum. Students and teachers told Human Rights Watch that al-Shabaab banned English, science, and other subjects, and even killed teachers who resisted. As a result, many schools have shut down, after teachers fled and many children dropped out. Schools that have remained open provide little or no substantive education.

Human Rights Watch also called on the TFG, its allied militias, and the African Union troops to identify schools in areas of their military operations, including outside of Mogadishu, to minimize the risk to them.

International supporters of the TFG, including the United Nations, European Union, African Union, and the United States, have not paid sufficient attention to human rights violations by the government, including recruitment and use of children as soldiers, Human Rights Watch said.

Human Rights Watch urged intergovernmental institutions and governments, including states in the region, to place children’s protection and other human rights concerns high on the agenda when they meet in London to discuss the Somalia crisis on February 23, 2012. They should increase support for human rights monitoring and reporting and use any leverage they have on warring parties to protect children and their secure access to education.

“If world leaders meeting in London want to address Somalia’s future, it’s crucial for them to protect this shattered generation of children from further horror and invest in their education and security,” Coursen-Neff said.

Selected accounts from the report: 

My 13-year-old friend was in my class. When al-Shabaab tried to take him to the camp, he said he was the only son of his mother. They said he would be killed before he could even explain. They hit him with a gun butt and forced him out of the class. The teacher intervened and al-Shabaab said he was the one telling the kids not to come. They then shot him in front of our class.

– 15-year-old boy describing a 2010 killing in El Ashabiya.

 “Then they took us to fight. It was between al-Shabaab and the TFG. All the young children were taken to the first row of the fighting. I was there. Several of the young children there were killed, including several of my classmates. Out of all my classmates –about 100 boys – only two of us escaped, the rest were killed. The children were cleaned off. The children all died and the bigger soldiers ran away.

– 15-year-old boy recruited by al-Shabaab from his school in Mogadishu in mid-2010.

 In mid-2010 al-Shabaab took me from my house. They were controlling the entire neighborhood and locked me in a house. They told me, “We will marry you to our leader.” I was in that house for a month. I was crying day and night. Then I said they should go and ask my father. They released me. I told my mother I didn’t want it. After that I went to live with my grandmother in a different neighborhood controlled by the TFG, Hamer Wayne. After that when they came to our house, they took my two brothers.

– 16-year-old girl from Bondhere, Mogadishu.

 I was always worried when they were at school. You always worried when the day ended to see if your boy was recruited or your girl was kidnapped. Every day you get your child back at the end you are thankful. Every day there were incidents reported from the school.

– Mother whose 17-year-old daughter was taken by al-Shabaab during a school tea break in Bakara, Mogadishu.

 One day al-Shabaab entered the school and went up to the first floor. They were shooting big guns from the school…. 15 to 20 al-Shabaab entered the first floor and fired. They closed the door and we stayed in the class. We were locked in from 10 or 11 a.m. to 6 p.m. – there was continuous fighting. We heard return fire but it did not hit the school, it hit all around us.

– 18-year-old student from Hawlwadag, Mogadishu describing an incident from October 2010.

shirkii Jaraa’id

15/02/2012 Waxa shir jaraaid lagu qabtay Smail Atony magaalada Johannesburg ee wadanka South Afrika. kulankaas oo lagu soo bandhigay Dacwad lagusoo oogay dowlada Ethiopia oo ka kooban 700 oo xaashiyood oo lagu caddeynayo danbiyada daggaal iyo xasuuqa ay dowlada Ethiopia ka geysato dhulka Somalida Ogadeniya. Tacadiyadaas oo isugu jira dil, Kufsi, xidhay iyo xasuuq guud oo lagu eedaynayo in 17 qof oo kamid ah dowlada Ethiopia ay masuul ka yihiin danbiyadaas. sidaas awgeedna lahorkeeno maxkamada caalamiga ah ee ICC. Sidoo kale waxa kiiskan loo gudbiyay maxkamada Sare ee South Afrika iyo danbi baadhayasha policeka South Afrika 7 Febraayo 2012.

Kulankan ayaa waxa kasoo qeybgalay 8 Loyar oo matalaya Jaaliyada Somalida Ogadeniya ee Koonfur Afrika iyo xubno dhibanayaal ah oo dhaawac kufsi iyo jidh dilba loogusoo geystay Ogadeniya. Waxaa shirkan saxaafadeed goob joog ahaa haayadaha Xuquuqul Insaanka, Masuliyin kamid ah Wadanka South Afrika iyo warbaahinta caalamiga ah sida Aljazeera, warbaahinta south Afrika oo nooc kastaba leh, Islamic Channel, iyo saxaafada Afka Somaliga ku hadasha. Waxaana si waafi ah loo tabiyay oo warbaahinta South Afrika iyo qeybaha kale ee caalamkaba looguso faafiyay warbixintan la xidhiidha kulankan. Iyaga oo gorfeynaya Dacwada lagu eedeynayo Ethiopia!

Aljazera: Warbaahinta Aljazera ayaa faafisay 14/02/2012 warbixin ay ugu magac dartay Somalida Ogadeniya oo dacwad ka furtey ICC ay ku oogayso Ethiopia. waxaana Aljazeera ay ka xog warantay in South afrika tahay goobta ugu fiican ee laga furi karo kiis noocan oo kale ah oo dowlad lagu eedaynayo xasuuq iyo cadaadin gaysatay- maadama ay Koonfur Afrika ahayd wadan isir-takoor ka jiri-jiray oo dhibaato badan soo maray. ( http://www.unpo.org/article/13886 )

Daily Maverick wargeys kasoo baxa wadanka South Afrika ayaa isna aad uga xog waramay kaalinta ay South afrika ka qaadan karto dacwadan lagu soo oogayo dowlada Ethiopia. Waxa wargeysku cinwaan ka dhigay “South Afrika oo furinta hore soo istaagtay” dacwada lagu eedaynayo Ethiopia. Wargeyskan ayaa waxa uu ka xogwaramay qodobada dawacdan ka koobantahay oo ah 5 qodob

1. In la oggeysiiyo oo lawargaliyo danbi baadhayasha Poliska South Afrika, Maxkamada South Afrika iyo waliba Maxkamada ICC in dhulka Somalida Ogadeniya ka dhacay xasuuq isugu jira, fal danbiyeed ka dhan ah xuquuqda bani aadamka iyo danbiyo daggaal falkaas oo illaa hada socda.

2. In Wadanka South Afrika laga codsado inay qabtaan maxkamad taas oo lasoo horkeenayo islamarkaasna lagu baadhayo fal danbiyeedkaas kore haddii dadka geystay danbigaas ay kusuganyihiin wadanka South Afrika iyada oo lamarayo xeerka (Rome Statute of the international criminal court act 27 of 2002)

3. In Wadanka South Afrika laga codsado inay keenaan qofka maqanaha ah ee fal danbiyeedkaas lagu oogayo maxkamada haddii uu ka maqanyahay wadanka South Afrika iyaga oo kasoo qabanaya meelkasta oo uu adduunka ka joogo.

4. In laga codsado wadanka South Afrika haddii ay xukumi kari waayaan xubinka lagu soo oogayo danbiyadaas kore maqnaasho uu ka maqanyahay wadanka South Afrika awgeed. Inay sharci ahaan waajib ku tahay inay wargaliyaan oo ay u gudbiyaan Maxkamada Caalamiga ah ee ICC maadama South Afrika ay xubin ka tahay buuxa Rome Statue.

5. In Wadanka South Afrika ka codsato Maxkamada Caalamiga ah ee ICC inay baadhaan fal danbiyeedkaas kuna oogaan danbiga ay geesteen ee ka dhan ah xuquuqda Bani aadamka iyo fal danbiyeed daggaal iyaga oo maraya xeerka ciqaabta ee qodobka 15 Rome Statue.

( http://dailymaverick.co.za/article/2012-02-16-ogaden-refugees-legal-claims-may-put-sa-on-the-spot  )

Kiiskan lagu soo ogayo wadanka Ethiopia ayaa illaa hada la ogeyn innuu kamid yahay raisal wasaraha wadanka Ethiopia. Balse waxa ay guul u tahay shacabka Somalida Ogadeniya oo 15ki sano ee u danbeysay xasuuq xoogani ka taagna dhulkaas. Waxana marar badan xasuuqaas bayaamo iyo bugaag kasoo saaray haayadaha xuquuqul Insaanka sida Human Rights Watch iyo amnesty International. Waxa kale oo si qarsoodi ah ugaso waramay xasuuqaas New York times iyo Aljazeera. Looma ogola dhulka somalida Ogadeniya warbaahinta madaxa banaan iyo Hayadaha xuquuql insaanka toona inay galaan Ogadeniya. Waxana laga soosaaray oo laga mamnuucay Haayada Red Cross, MSF iyo Amnesty International inay Ogadeniya Ka howlgalaan.

Dacwadan ay Gudbsiay Jaaliyada Somalida Ogadeniya ee lagu oogayo wadanka Ethiopia waxa ay kusoo beegantay maalin ay Somalida Ogadeniya xusayaan murugadii Febraayo ee sanadkii 1994 waqtigaas oo xasuuq aad u weyn ciidamada Ethiopianku ka geysteen dhulka Somalida Ogadeniya.

Isla Maalinkaas ay Dacwada gudbiyeen Jaaliyada Somalida Ogadeniya waxaa lagu xasuuqay Magaalada gunagado shacabki dagana oo lagu dilay 16 qof oo isugu jira waayeel caruur iyo haween magalada Gunagado. Halka 20 qof oo kalena dhaawac halis ah uu soo gaadhay. Waxaa kale oo magaladaas laga qaffaashay 100 qof oo loo taxaabay xabsiyo aan la garanayn illaa hadana aan la ogeyn geeri iyo nolol toona waxay ku suganyihiin.

Daawo Video, warbixinta shirkii jaraa’id

South Africa’s Ogaden refugees have requested the police, the prosecuting authority and the International Criminal Court to investigate damning allegations of human rights abuses against the Ethiopian government. The allegations are not new, but the legal action may force South African officials to take a more proactive stance against human rights abuses in Africa. By KHADIJA PATEL. More…

Waxaan kasoo xiganay ONA (wakalada wararka Ogadeniya). www.ogadennet.com

Arinta Diinta:- Waxaa in Shuruudaha mudanaha baarlamaanka Soomaaliya laga saaray inuu yahay MUSLIM, Waxaana ku qoran sidan “Respect Islamic Values” oo micneheedu noqonayo {Waa inuu tixgeliyaa qiyamka Islaamka}.

Heshiiska la saxiixay waxaa ka mida qodobo la yaableh sida inuu Xildhibaan noqon karo qof aan Muslim ahayn laga rabo (“Respect Islamic Values”)  

Heshiiska ayaa ka kooban saddex qodob oo waaweyn oo kala ah;- Nidaamka Federaalka, Qaab Dhismeedka Dawlada iyo Ka shaqeysiinta heshiiskii hore ee Garowe “Garowe Principles”. Waxaase yaab leh in heshiiska ay ku jiraan arimo shaki gelinaya diinta isla markaana dhaawac ku ah dadka Soomaaliyeed.
Waxaana halkan ku faahfaahinay qodobada ugu waaweyn iyo siday kala yihiin;-

Halkaan ka akhri heshiiskii lagu kala saxiixday Garowe ee habka Federalka Somalia.
QODOBKA 3aad; Baarlamaanka cusub ee federaalka
Waxaa qodobkan lagu tixay shuruudaha lagu qaadanayo dadka soo gali doona baarlamaanka ee Soomaaliya, kuwaasoo ay ugu horeeyaan da’da iyo dhalashada. Waxaana ku qoran;-
- Inuu yahay Soomaali
- Inuu da’diisa/da’deeda u dhexeyso 25 illaa 70 jir
- Aqoonta ugu yaraan dugsi sare (Waxaa laga saaray qodob horey loo soo jeediyey oo ahaa inuu heysto degree ama shahaado sare)
ARINTA DIINTA
Waxaa yaab iyo naxdin leh in Shuruudaha mudanaha baarlamaanka Soomaaliya laga saaray inuu yahay MUSLIM, Waxaana ku qoran sidan “Respect Islamic Values” oo micneheedu noqonayo (Waa inuu tixgeliyaa qiyamka Islaamka). Ma waxaa jira cid aan Muslim ahayn oo Soomaaliya degan ama Soomaali wax ka ah?- Xitaa dastuurkii 1960-kii ee jamhuuriyadii Soomaaliya, kii Carta 2000, kii Mbagathi ee 2004 laguma qorin arintan!!!!!. [Sii fiican uga fiiri bogga 6aad ee heshiiska Garowe]
QODOBKA 2AAD; Golaha Dastuuriga ah
Waxaa lagu heshiiyey in gole loogu magacdaray “Golaha Dastuuriga” la sameeyo, kuwaasoo ka kooban 1,000 ruux. Waxaa haddaba iyana ku jirta.
- In 30% golaha ay noqdaan haween (taasoo micneheedu yahay 300 xubnood ayaa haween noqonaya) halka 700 hartay ay noqonayaan rag.
Laakiin waxaa isla 700 ee ragga haddana markale ku sii jirta “the remaining 700 men and women shall be selected from across section of society……” taasoo markale muujineysa in 700 ragga ahaa in haddana ay haween ku sii jiraan (lama oga in haddana 30% haween yihiin markaasna waxay noqoneysaa 600 haween inay ku jiraan Golaha Dastuuriga). [Fiiri bogga 4aad ee heshiiska]
- Golaha Dastuuriga ee 1,000 ruux ahi lagama rabo wax aqoon ah, kaliya waa inay wax akhrin karaan (tani waxay horseedi kartaa in meesha ku soo ururaan dad aan wadaniyad iyo qaran waxba ka ogeyn).
- Golaha Dastuuriga waxay ku imaanayaan habka qabiilka ee 4.5, iyaga ayaana ansixinaya baarlamaanka cusub ee federaalka (laakiin la isma weydiin iyaga laftooda yaa xalaaleynaya).
Waxaa xusid mudan in Axdiga KMG ee hadda u qoran DKMG ah qodobkiisa 71aad uu dhigayo in Axdiga uu yahay saldhiga dastuurka federaalka ee la sameyn doono. isla qodobka 39aad ee Axdiga KMG ah wuxuu awood buuxda siinayaa baarlamaanka, sidaasi awgeeda ma Axdiga KMG ayaan jirin mise Heshiiska Garowe???. Haddii kale waxay noqon kastaa in Axdiga KMG ah la laalo gebisiiba, taasna weli lama sheegin.

QODOBKA 1AAD: Puntland iyo Galmudug
Waxaa qodobkan uu si cad u sheegay in Puntland iyo Galmudug loo aqoonsaday maamulo jira oo is la’eg waxayna leeyihiin fursado iyo ka qeybgal isku mid ah.
QODOBKA 2AAD; Nooca Dawlada
Dawlada waxay noqon doontaa nidaamka baarlamaaniga. Wuxuu qodobkan xusayaa in awooda fulinta uu yeelanayo raysul wasaaraha, halka madaxweynuhu uu noqon doono “Ceremonial” ama “madaxweyne sharafeed”. (Wixii hadda ka dambeeya waxaa loo carari doonaa raysul wasaaranimada).

QODOBKA 2aad; Sameeynta Guddi doorasho
Gudigan oo loo bixiyey “Interim Independent Electoral Commission” Guddiga Doorshada ee madaxa bannaan ee KMG ah oo ka kooban 15 ruux. Guddigan waxaa sameysanaya lixda saxiixayaasha ah ee kala ah; Madaxweyne Shariif, Raysul wasaare C/weli Gaas, Shariif Xasan, Madaxweyne Faroole, Madaxweyne Caalin iyo C/qaadir Macalin Nuur iyagoo qabiilo ku saleynaya.
Waxay guddigan noqonayaan kuwa soo xulaya isla markaana go’aanka ka gaaraya xubnaha 1,000 ah ee Golaha Dastuuriga ah.
Bogga 5aadee heshiiska waxaa ku qoran “Haddii xubin loo soo xulayGolaha Dastuuriga ay la iman weyso shuruudaha waxaa dib loogu celinayaa saxiixayaasha heshiiska Garowe [micnaha lixda nin], Tani micneheedu sow ma ahan sidaan rabo ii yeel!!!).

AWOODAHA MAAMULADA
Waxaa awoodo dheeraadah heshiisku siinayaa maamulada, waxaana hadda maamul goboleedyada jira iyo kuwa iman doona ay yeelan doonaan awood la simantan dawlada dhexe, si ka duwan Axdiga KMG ah oo sheegaya in heshiisyada caalamiga ah iyo arimaha siyaasadda ay masuul ka tahay dawlada dhexe.

Qodobadii ka soo baxay shirkii Garoowe oo dhameystiran…

Waxaa qodobkan uu si cad u sheegay in Puntland iyo Galmudug loo aqoonsaday maamulo jira oo is la’eg waxayna leeyihiin fursado iyo ka qeybgal isku mid ah.laakiin waxaa la raaciyey oo lagu xiray in galmudug ay ay buuxiso qodobada ku xiran inay soo buuxiso.

Nooca dowladda:- Dowlada waxay noqon doontaa nidaamka baarlamaaniga.   Wuxuu qodobkan xusayaa in awooda fulinta uu yeelanayo raysul wasaaraha, halka madaxweynuhu uu noqon doono  madaxweynuhuna uu noqondoono awooda ugu sareysa dowladda KMG kaas oo ay soodoorandoonan baarlamaanka cusub wuxuuna ugu badnaan xilka heyndoonaa labo mar oo min 5 sano ah “”.

Sameynta Guddi doorasho:- Guudigan oo loo bixiyey “Interim Independent Electoral Commission” Guddiga Doorshada ee madaxa bannaan ee KMG ah oo ka kooban 15 ruux.  Guddigan waxaa sameysanaya lixda saxiixayaasha ah ee kala ah; Madaxweyne Shariif, Raysul wasaare C/weli Gaas, Shariif Xasan, Madaxweyne Faroole, Madaxweyne Caalin iyo C/qaadir Macalin Nuur iyagoo qabiilo ku saleynaya.

Waxay guddigan noqonayaan kuwa soo xulaya isla markaana go’aanka ka gaaraya xubnaha 1,000 ah ee Golaha Dastuuriga ah, Bogga 5aad ee heshiiska waxaa ku qoran “Haddii xubin loo soo xulayGolaha Dastuuriga ay la iman weyso shuruudaha waxaa dib loogu celinayaa saxiixayaasha heshiiska Garowe [micnaha lixda nin],

Awoodaha Maamulada:- Waxaa awoodo dheeraadah heshiisku siinayaa maamulada,  waxaana hadda maamul goboleedyada jira iyo kuwa iman doona ay yeelan doonaan awood la simantan dawlada dhexe, si ka duwan Axdiga KMG ah oo sheegaya in heshiisyada caalamiga ah iyo arimaha siyaasadda ay masuul ka tahay dawlada dhexe.

Baarlamaanka cusub ee Federaalka:- Waxaa qodobkan lagu tixay shuruudaha lagu qaadanayo dadka soo gali doona baarlamaanka ee Soomaaliya, kuwaasoo ay ugu horeeyaan da’da iyo dhalashada. Waxaana ku qoran:- inuu yahay Soomaali, inuu da’diisa/da’deedau dhexeyso 25 illaa 70 jir, Aqoonta ugu yaraan dugsi sare (Waxaa laga saaray qodob horey loo soo jeediyey oo ahaa inuu heysto degree ama shahaado sare}, iyadoo tirada guud ee Xildhibaanadu ay noqonayaan 225 oo boqolkiiba 30-don ay noqonayaan dumar}, sidoo kale waxaa la sameeyay aqalka Odayaasha oo noqonaya 54-xubnood, kana awood badan xubnaha Baarlamaanka.

Arinta Diinta:- Waxaa in Shuruudaha mudanaha baarlamaanka Soomaaliya laga saaray inuu yahay MUSLIM, Waxaana ku qoran sidan “Respect Islamic Values” oo micneheedu noqonayo {Waa inuu tixgeliyaa qiyamka Islaamka.

Golaha Dastuuriga ah:- Waxaa lagu heshiiyey in gole loogu magacdaray “Golaha Dastuuriga” la sameeyo, kuwaasoo ka kooban 1,000 ruux.  Waxaa haddaba iyana ku jirta,  in 30% golaha ay noqdaan haween {taasoo micneheedu yahay 300 xubnood ayaa haween noqonaya}  halka 700 hartay ay noqonayaan rag, Golaha Dastuuriga ee 1,000 ruux ahi lagama rabo wax aqoon ah, kaliya waa inay wax akhrin karaan (tani waxay horseedi kartaa in meesha ku soo ururaan dad aan wadaniyad iyo qaran waxba ka ogeyn”, Golaha Dastuuriga waxay ku imaanayaan habka qabiilka ee 4.5,  iyaga ayaana ansixinaya baarlamaanka cusub ee federaalka (laakiin la isma weydiin iyaga laftooda yaa xalaaleynaya}, waxaa xusid mudan in Axdiga KMG ee hadda u qoran DKMG ah qodobkiisa 71aad uu dhigayo in Axdiga uu yahay saldhiga dastuurka federaalka ee la sameyn doono. isla qodobka 39aad ee Axdiga KMG ah wuxuu awood buuxda siinayaa baarlamaanka, sidaasi awgeeda ma Axdiga KMG ayaan jirin mise Heshiiska Garowe???.  Haddii kale waxay noqon kastaa in Axdiga KMG ah la laalo gebisiiba, taasna weli lama sheegin.

Faalo Qotobka 3aad oo oranayo  in dalka  laga dhigo Federal ku salaysan 18kii gobol ee horay u jiray..

Waa Gobolladii Dowladdii Milatriga ee Siyaad Barre:

Dowladdii uu hoggaamiyaha iyo madaxweynahaba u ahaa Jeneral Maxamed Siyaad Barre waxay dalka la wareegtay sanadkii 1969 iyadoo uu markaa dalku ka koobnaa siddeed gobol. Muddadii 21-kasanoahayd ee uu dalka ka talinayey Jeneral Maxamed Siyaad Barre wuxuu ku daray toban gobol. Haddaba waxaa isweydiin leh kororsiimadan muxuu nidaamku ku salaynayey?
Runtii lama garanayo qaabka uu Kacaanku raaci jiray marka uu abuurayo gobollo cusub. Nin odoy ah oo ka tirsanaa maamulkaas ayaan weydiiyey halbeegga la adeegsan jiray marka la samaynayo gobol ama degmo cusub. Ninkaasi wuxuu iigu jawaabay “dalka waxaa heystay nin keliteliye ah, wuxuuna u maamuli jiray sida uu u arko sax isagu. Gobollada iyo degmooyinka iyo go‟aannada kale ee waaweyna isaga ayaa samayn jiray.” 

Waxaa arrintan sii xoojinaya sheeko aan ka maqlay Cabdulle Raage Taraawiiloo ahaa halabuur caan ku ah bulshada dhexdeeda. Cabdulle Raage oo hadalka cajal ku duubay wuxuu ka sheekeyey dood dhexmartay isaga iyo Jeneraal Maxamed Siyaad Barre. Cabdulle Raage wuxuu leeyahay waxaa ii yeeray Madaxweyne Maxamed Siyaad Sanadkii 1990 oo ku beegnayd xilligii ay saxiixeen odoyaashu warqad ay ugu baaqayaan in uu Jananku is-casilo (Manafesto Group).

“Siyaad Barre ayaa wuxuu igala hadlay arrimaha warqaddan iyo qabiillada ka danbeeya,” ayuu yiri Cabdulle Raage. Siyaad Barre wuxuu igu yiri buu Cabdulle leeyahay, “Waxaa ii heshiiyey Majeerteen iyo Habargidir, marka waxaan doonayaa inaad tolkaa ka reebto arrintan oo aad idinku (qabiil ahaan) wax igala qabataan oo aad Kacaanka taageertaan.” Waxaan ku iri, ayuu Cabdulle Raage ku leeyahay cajaladda, “dadka saxiixay warqadaha kuma jiro qof aan aniga heybta hoose (Daa‟uud) isku nahay.”

Wuxuu intaas raaciyey, labo kulan oo kale iyo dood dheer kadib ayuu Siyaad Barre igu yiri, “waxaan degmo kaaga dhigayaa meeshii aad ku dhalatay oo magaceeda la yiraa Ruun Nirgood.” Cabdulle Raage wuxuu leeyahay waan ka diiday arrintaas Madaxweyanaha waayo waxaan weydiistay inuu degmo ka dhigo meeshaan10 sano ka hor, wuuna ii diiday. Dabadeed, sida uu cajaladda ku sheegayo, Cabdulle Raage wuxuu billaabay inuu goobta ka tiriyo gabay dheer oo uu Kacaanka ugu abaalsheeganayo wixii uu u galay iyo sidii uu Kacaanku ugu jisaaray ee uu ii xiray. “Markii aan gabaygii dhameeyey ayuu Siyaad Barre yiri, „waxaan ku darayaa Warshiikh.‟” Markaas baan ku iri, “Caadley ku dar.” Siyaad Barre wuu diiday arrintaas waayo wuxuu yiri waxaa la iga laayey askar Caadley, laakiin waxaan ku darayaa Biyacado. Isku soo duuboo, sida uu cajaladda ku sheegayo, Cabdulle Raage iyo odoyaal la socday waxay habeenkaas ka saxiixeen Jeneral Maxamed Siyaad Barre afar degmo.

Marka la fiiriyo gobolladii iyo degmooyinkii la abuuray iyo sheekadaniba waxay ku tusayaaninuusan jirin halbeeg la raaci jiray oo ay ku xirnayd Jeneral Siyaad Barre xaaladdiisu sida ay tahay. Marka haddii sidan gobollo lagu sameeyey lagu duldhiso nidaamka federaalka waxaa ka imanaya dhowr cilladood. Tan hore, waxaa laga tagayaa caddaaladda waayo waxaa jira gobollo dadka deggen uusan nidaamkii milatarigu jeclayn xilligaas, iyo gobollo kale oo dadkoodu aysan baraarug siyaasi ah lahayn. Labadan arrimood oo iskaashaday waxay keenayaan in la sharciyeeyo wax aan ku iman nidaam sharci ah ama aan caqligu qaadan karin.

Haddii xitaa la isku oggolaado oo la aqbalo 18 gobol, ma ahan suurtagal dhaqaale ahaan in lagu saleeyo nidaamka federaalka. Tusaale, ma jirto awood dhaqaale ama aqooneed oo ay Soomaalidu ku wadi karto18 baarlamaan, 18 xukuumadood, 18 ah boliiska gobollada, 18 ah maxkamado kala duwan, iyo 18 ah shaqaale dowaldeedyada gobollada. Waxaa arrintan diidaya awoodda dhaqaale iyo tan aqooneed ee hadda jira. 

Sida uu ii sheegey qof xog-ogaal ah, waxay dowladda KMG ah (xilligii dowladdii Carta) isku dayday inay baahiso maamulkeeda. Gobollada iyo degmooyinka qaar ayaa muujiyey inay doonayeen inay raacaan nidaamka Carta lagu soo dhisay. Xukuumaddii Dr. Cali Khaliif Galayr ayaa waxay ku tiri degmooyinkaas “idinku qorta boliis oo dhaqaalo ahaan isa-sii dabbara intii muddo ah, annaguna waxaan idinka kaalmayn doonnaa waxyaalaha kale.” Waxay sheegeen mas‟uuliyiintii degmooyinkaas inaysan awoodin inay qortaan boliis. Weliba degmooyinka qaarkood waa kuwa lagu tuhmo inay ugu roon yihiin degmooyinka dalka dhaqaalo ahaan. 

Haddaba, marka si kasta oo loo fiiriyo laguma salayn karo nidaamka federaalka 18 gobol. Laakiin, haddana waxaa jirta in dastuurka Dowladda KMG ah ee xilligaas jirtay ay ku qoran tahay in nidaamka federaalka ah lagu saleeyo 18 gobol.

Waxaa iyaduna xiiso gaar ah leh cayaarihii gobollada ee dhawaan lagu qabtay Garowe, caasimadda Puntland. Runtii, waxay ahayd dhacdo weyn oo ay ku ammaanan yihiin bahdaisboortiga iyo shacabka iyo dowladda Puntland. Laakiin xiisaha gaarka ah ee ay dhacdadani u leedahay doodda la xiriirta nidaamka federaalka waa in dad badan oo Soomaaliyeed ay isla oggol yihiin gobolladii uu kacaanku ka tagay, loona arko inay sharci ahaayeen. Runtiina, dhacdadan waxaa laga daliishan karaa in aragtida taageeraysa 18-ka gobol ay ka culus tahay kuwa kale.

Waxaan rumaysanahay inay taasi horumar tahay. Hayeeshee, anigu sideedaba ma qabo in nidaamka federaalku ka shaqayn karo dalka. Haddii la samaynayana waxaan qabaa inaan gobolladu ka badan afar, la iskuna raaciyo hab ku salaysan qaaciddooyinka dhaqaalaha iyo horumarka.

Gunaanad

Waxaan soo jeedinayaa inaynaan ku qancin waxa u sahlan hey‟adaha caalamiga ah iyo waxay ay dalalka deriska ah, gaar ahaan Itoobiya, rabto. Dadka iyo dalka Soomaaliyeed ma laha calaamadihii lama huraan ka dhigayey in nidaam federal ah lagu maamulo. Waxaa jira waxyeellooyin badan oo uu nidaamku wato asal ahaan. Dhammaantood waxay saamayn xun ku leeyihiin aayaha iyo qarannimada ummada Soomaaliyeed. Dhammaan waxyaalaha waxtarka ah ee ku jira nidaamka federaalka waa laga heli karaa nidaamyada kale ee ka dhibka yar. Waxaa intaas dheer in aysan jirin hab gobollo oo ay Soomaalidu heshiis ku tahay. Xitaa haddii ay dhacdo in la isku raaco hab ka mid ah kuwa aan soo sheegay, waxaa muuqda inaynaan dhaqaale ahaan iyo aqoon ahaan ka bixi karin nidaamkan. 
Waxaan rumeysnahay in nidaamakani uusan annaga naga iman, uusanna xallinayn mushkiladdeenna. Walow ay u badan tahay in niyadda bulshada caalamku aysan xumeyn oo ay doonayaan inay xal u helaan mushkiladda Soomaalida, haddana waxaa hubaal ah in dalalka deriska ah ay dantooda ka hormarinayaan tan Soomaalida. Itoobiya iyo Kenya waa inaynaan ka filin inay wanaag la doonayaan Soomaalida. Waxaa muuqda in Itoobiya ay iyadu si gaar ah u dooneyso nidaamkan oo ay weliba qaab gooni ah u rabto. Guddiyada loo saaray inay ka soo taliyaan iyo ergada ansixisay waa dad ay inta badan Itoobiya soo xushay ama ay raalli ka noqotay. Haddaba, taas kaliya ayaa ku filan dadka Soomaaliyeed inay ka digtoonaadaan arrintan waayo waxaa jirta dibindaabyo lagu doonayo inaysan Soomaalidu waligeed qaran noqon.

Nidaamka federaalkuna, sida aan qabo, waxa uu ugu horreeyaa dibindaabyooyinkaas.

Halista Dastuurka Cusub ee Soomaaliya! Halkaan ka akhri 

 

Beelaha-Hawiye, Isaaq, Gadabuursi iyo Raxanweyn ayaa lagu afgambiyay Heshiiskii garabyo kala metelayay TFG,Puntland,Galmudug,Ahlusuna iyo UNPOS ku saxiixeen Magaaladda Garowe ee Caasimadda Puntland. Heshiiska lagu ansixiyay Dastuurka Federalka Somalia iyo Maamul goboleedyada Somalia ayaa lagu ansixiyay in afar maamul Goboleed laga sameeyo 18-ka gobol oo Somalia leedahay sida lagu qeexay dastuurka cusub.

Afarta Maamul goboleed iyo habka la isu raaciyay goboladda Somalia waxay kala yihiin:

• 1- Awdal,togdheer,waqooyi galbed ,waxay noqon doonaan hal maamul goboleed.
• 2- Laascaano,bari iyo sanaag waxay noqon doonaan hal maamul goboleed
• 3- Galkacyo,dhuusomareeb iyo Hiiraan waxay noqon doonaan hal maamul Goboleed
• 4- Baydhabo,Kismayo iyo Gedo waxay noqon doonaan hal maamul goboleed.
• 5- Labada Shabelle waxay hoos tegi doonaan Caasimadda Somalia ee Muqdisho taas oo bulshada u dhaxeysa.

Heshiiska waxaa lagu qeexay in Magaaladda Galkacyo guud ahaan lagu biirin doono Maamulka Galmudug oo metelaya Mudug,Galgaduud iyo Hiiraan.
Madaxda Galmudug oo ka biyo diidsanaa inay saxiixaan heshiiska ayaa aqbalay markii loo ansixiyay in Maamulkooda meteli doono sedex gobol.
Beesha Mudulood oo Madaxweyne Shariif ka soo jeedo ayaa awood qeybsiga Maamul goboleedyada lagu qadiyay maadama Shabeelada dhexe ilaa Banaadir oo ay degaan la hoos geeyay Caasimadda Muqdisho.
Beelaha Raxanweynta oo dega dhulka Barwaaqa sooranka ee Bay,Bakool iyo Shabeelada hoose ayaa la hoos geeyay Muqdisho iyo Kismayo.
Beelaha Gadabuursiga oo dega dhulka Barwaaqo sooranka ee Boqortooyada ADAL ayaan heshiiska lagu qeexin inay hoos tegayaan Togdheer hasse yeeshee waxaa lagu cadeeyay heshiiska inay hoos tegayaan Waqooyi Galbeed.
Inkastoo Magaaladda Laascaano ee Dhulbahantaha degaan lagu biiriyay Sanaag iyo Bari hadana heshiiska laguma cadeeyn inay Puntland hoos tegayaan laakiin siyaasada hab qoraalka ayaa u muuqato sidaas.
Heshiiska Garowe marka si qotodheer loo qiimeeyo waxaa lagu afgambiyay beelaha

• 1- Hawiye
• 2-Isaaq
• 3-Gadabuursi
• 4-Raxanweyn
• 5-Waxaana sedbursi xoogan ku dhex leh beelaha Daarood.

18-ka Gobo lee dalka Somalia loo asteeyay waxay Hawiye ku yeelanayaan Shabeelada Dhexe iyo Hiiraan maxaa yeelay Galgaduud iyo Mudug waa lala degaa.

• 1-Gobolka Banadir oo ay Hawiyaha ku badan yihiin cidna gooni uma lahan oo waa caasimada Somalia.
• 2-Isaaq waxay 18-ka Gobol ku yeelanayaan Togdheer iyo Waqooyi Galbeed maxaa yeelay gobolada kale waa lala degaa.
• 3-Gadabuursi waxay Gobolada ku yeelanayaan Awdal oo kaliya maxaa yeelay Salal iyo Gabileey looma aqoonsano gobolo.
• 4-Raxanweynta waxay gobolada Somalia ku yeelanayaan Bay iyo Bakool oo kaliya maxaa yeelay gobolada kale waa lala degaa sida Jubooyinka,Shabeelada hoose iyo Gedo.
• 5-Daaroodka waxay leeyihiin sagaal gobol oo ka mida 18-ka gobo lee Xukumadii Siyaad Barre bixisay laakiin sharciyan la rumeeysan inaysan gobolo aheyn.
• 6-Maamulka Galmudug oo ku qancay in loo aqoonsaday maamul Metela Galgaduud,Mudug iyo Hiiraan waxaa saamiga awood qeybsiga maamulka la wadaagi doono Majeerteen,Leelkase,Mareexaan,Qubeeys iyo qabiilooyinka dega goboladaas ee aan Hawiyaha u dhalan. 

Madaxweyne Shariif ayaa laga soo xigtay inuu dafaray saxiixii uu heshiiska saxiixay hasse yeeshee Halkaan ka akhri heshiiskii lagu kala saxiixday Garowe ee habka Federalka Somalia.
Hawiye,Isaaq iyo Gadabuursi oo la isku yiraa IRIR waxaa muuqato in looga adkaaday siyaasadda Somalia,iyadoo dhinaca kalena Garowe u muuqato hooyga laga hago siyaasadda Somalia xilligaan.

Heshiiska la saxiixay waxaa ka mida qodobo la yaableh sida inuu Xildhibaan noqon karo qof aan Muslim ahayn,

Heshiiska ayaa ka kooban saddex qodob oo waaweyn oo kala ah;- Nidaamka Federaalka, Qaab Dhismeedka Dawlada iyo Ka shaqeysiinta heshiiskii hore ee Garowe “Garowe Principles”. Waxaase yaab leh in heshiiska ay ku jiraan arimo shaki gelinaya diinta isla markaana dhaawac ku ah dadka Soomaaliyeed.
Waxaana halkan ku faahfaahinay qodobada ugu waaweyn iyo siday kala yihiin;-
QODOBKA 3aad; Baarlamaanka cusub ee federaalka
Waxaa qodobkan lagu tixay shuruudaha lagu qaadanayo dadka soo gali doona baarlamaanka ee Soomaaliya, kuwaasoo ay ugu horeeyaan da’da iyo dhalashada. Waxaana ku qoran;-

• - 1  Inuu yahay Soomaali
• - 2 Inuu da’diisa/da’deeda u dhexeyso 25 illaa 70 jir
• - 3 Aqoonta ugu yaraan dugsi sare (Waxaa laga saaray qodob horey loo soo jeediyey oo ahaa inuu heysto degree ama shahaado sare)

ARINTA DIINTA
Waxaa yaab iyo naxdin leh in Shuruudaha mudanaha baarlamaanka Soomaaliya laga saaray inuu yahay MUSLIM, Waxaana ku qoran sidan “Respect Islamic Values” oo micneheedu noqonayo (Waa inuu tixgeliyaa qiyamka Islaamka). Ma waxaa jira cid aan Muslim ahayn oo Soomaaliya degan ama Soomaali wax ka ah?- Xitaa dastuurkii 1960-kii ee jamhuuriyadii Soomaaliya, kii Carta 2000, kii Mbagathi ee 2004 laguma qorin arintan!!!!!. [Sii fiican uga fiiri bogga 6aad ee heshiiska Garowe]
QODOBKA 2AAD; Golaha Dastuuriga ah
Waxaa lagu heshiiyey in gole loogu magacdaray “Golaha Dastuuriga” la sameeyo, kuwaasoo ka kooban 1,000 ruux. Waxaa haddaba iyana ku jirta.

• - In 30% golaha ay noqdaan haween (taasoo micneheedu yahay 300 xubnood ayaa haween noqonaya) halka 700 hartay ay noqonayaan rag.
• Laakiin waxaa isla 700 ee ragga haddana markale ku sii jirta “the remaining 700 men and women shall be selected from across section of society……” taasoo markale muujineysa in 700 ragga ahaa in haddana ay haween ku sii jiraan (lama oga in haddana 30% haween yihiin markaasna waxay noqoneysaa 600 haween inay ku jiraan Golaha Dastuuriga). [Fiiri bogga 4aad ee heshiiska]
• - Golaha Dastuuriga ee 1,000 ruux ahi lagama rabo wax aqoon ah, kaliya waa inay wax akhrin karaan (tani waxay horseedi kartaa in meesha ku soo ururaan dad aan wadaniyad iyo qaran waxba ka ogeyn).
• - Golaha Dastuuriga waxay ku imaanayaan habka qabiilka ee 4.5, iyaga ayaana ansixinaya baarlamaanka cusub ee federaalka (laakiin la isma weydiin iyaga laftooda yaa xalaaleynaya).

Waxaa xusid mudan in Axdiga KMG ee hadda u qoran DKMG ah qodobkiisa 71aad uu dhigayo in Axdiga uu yahay saldhiga dastuurka federaalka ee la sameyn doono. isla qodobka 39aad ee Axdiga KMG ah wuxuu awood buuxda siinayaa baarlamaanka, sidaasi awgeeda ma Axdiga KMG ayaan jirin mise Heshiiska Garowe???. Haddii kale waxay noqon kastaa in Axdiga KMG ah la laalo gebisiiba, taasna weli lama sheegin.

QODOBKA 1AAD: Puntland iyo Galmudug
Waxaa qodobkan uu si cad u sheegay in Puntland iyo Galmudug loo aqoonsaday maamulo jira oo is la’eg waxayna leeyihiin fursado iyo ka qeybgal isku mid ah.

QODOBKA 2AAD; Nooca Dawlada
Dawlada waxay noqon doontaa nidaamka baarlamaaniga. Wuxuu qodobkan xusayaa in awooda fulinta uu yeelanayo raysul wasaaraha, halka madaxweynuhu uu noqon doono “Ceremonial” ama “madaxweyne sharafeed”. (Wixii hadda ka dambeeya waxaa loo carari doonaa raysul wasaaranimada).

QODOBKA 2aad; Sameeynta Guddi doorasho
Gudigan oo loo bixiyey “Interim Independent Electoral Commission” Guddiga Doorshada ee madaxa bannaan ee KMG ah oo ka kooban 15 ruux. Guddigan waxaa sameysanaya lixda saxiixayaasha ah ee kala ah; Madaxweyne Shariif, Raysul wasaare C/weli Gaas, Shariif Xasan, Madaxweyne Faroole, Madaxweyne Caalin iyo C/qaadir Macalin Nuur iyagoo qabiilo ku saleynaya.
Waxay guddigan noqonayaan kuwa soo xulaya isla markaana go’aanka ka gaaraya xubnaha 1,000 ah ee Golaha Dastuuriga ah.

Bogga 5aadee heshiiska waxaa ku qoran “Haddii xubin loo soo xulayGolaha Dastuuriga ay la iman weyso shuruudaha waxaa dib loogu celinayaa saxiixayaasha heshiiska Garowe [micnaha lixda nin], Tani micneheedu sow ma ahan sidaan rabo ii yeel!!!).

AWOODAHA MAAMULADA
Waxaa awoodo dheeraadah heshiisku siinayaa maamulada, waxaana hadda maamul goboleedyada jira iyo kuwa iman doona ay yeelan doonaan awood la simantan dawlada dhexe, si ka duwan Axdiga KMG ah oo sheegaya in heshiisyada caalamiga ah iyo arimaha siyaasadda ay masuul ka tahay dawlada dhexe.

Halkaan ka akhri: Shirkii_Garowe2_oo_caawa_saq_dhexe_la_soo_gabogabeeyey.pdf

Faalo Qotobka 3aad oo oranayo  in dalka  laga dhigo Federal ku salaysan 18kii gobol ee horay u jiray..

Waa Gobolladii Dowladdii Milatriga ee Siyaad Barre:

Dowladdii uu hoggaamiyaha iyo madaxweynahaba u ahaa Jeneral Maxamed Siyaad Barre waxay dalka la wareegtay sanadkii 1969 iyadoo uu markaa dalku ka koobnaa siddeed gobol. Muddadii 21-kasanoahayd ee uu dalka ka talinayey Jeneral Maxamed Siyaad Barre wuxuu ku daray toban gobol. Haddaba waxaa isweydiin leh kororsiimadan muxuu nidaamku ku salaynayey?
Runtii lama garanayo qaabka uu Kacaanku raaci jiray marka uu abuurayo gobollo cusub. Nin odoy ah oo ka tirsanaa maamulkaas ayaan weydiiyey halbeegga la adeegsan jiray marka la samaynayo gobol ama degmo cusub. Ninkaasi wuxuu iigu jawaabay “dalka waxaa heystay nin keliteliye ah, wuxuuna u maamuli jiray sida uu u arko sax isagu. Gobollada iyo degmooyinka iyo go‟aannada kale ee waaweyna isaga ayaa samayn jiray.” 

Waxaa arrintan sii xoojinaya sheeko aan ka maqlay Cabdulle Raage Taraawiiloo ahaa halabuur caan ku ah bulshada dhexdeeda. Cabdulle Raage oo hadalka cajal ku duubay wuxuu ka sheekeyey dood dhexmartay isaga iyo Jeneraal Maxamed Siyaad Barre. Cabdulle Raage wuxuu leeyahay waxaa ii yeeray Madaxweyne Maxamed Siyaad Sanadkii 1990 oo ku beegnayd xilligii ay saxiixeen odoyaashu warqad ay ugu baaqayaan in uu Jananku is-casilo (Manafesto Group).

“Siyaad Barre ayaa wuxuu igala hadlay arrimaha warqaddan iyo qabiillada ka danbeeya,” ayuu yiri Cabdulle Raage. Siyaad Barre wuxuu igu yiri buu Cabdulle leeyahay, “Waxaa ii heshiiyey Majeerteen iyo Habargidir, marka waxaan doonayaa inaad tolkaa ka reebto arrintan oo aad idinku (qabiil ahaan) wax igala qabataan oo aad Kacaanka taageertaan.” Waxaan ku iri, ayuu Cabdulle Raage ku leeyahay cajaladda, “dadka saxiixay warqadaha kuma jiro qof aan aniga heybta hoose (Daa‟uud) isku nahay.”

Wuxuu intaas raaciyey, labo kulan oo kale iyo dood dheer kadib ayuu Siyaad Barre igu yiri, “waxaan degmo kaaga dhigayaa meeshii aad ku dhalatay oo magaceeda la yiraa Ruun Nirgood.” Cabdulle Raage wuxuu leeyahay waan ka diiday arrintaas Madaxweyanaha waayo waxaan weydiistay inuu degmo ka dhigo meeshaan10 sano ka hor, wuuna ii diiday. Dabadeed, sida uu cajaladda ku sheegayo, Cabdulle Raage wuxuu billaabay inuu goobta ka tiriyo gabay dheer oo uu Kacaanka ugu abaalsheeganayo wixii uu u galay iyo sidii uu Kacaanku ugu jisaaray ee uu ii xiray. “Markii aan gabaygii dhameeyey ayuu Siyaad Barre yiri, „waxaan ku darayaa Warshiikh.‟” Markaas baan ku iri, “Caadley ku dar.” Siyaad Barre wuu diiday arrintaas waayo wuxuu yiri waxaa la iga laayey askar Caadley, laakiin waxaan ku darayaa Biyacado. Isku soo duuboo, sida uu cajaladda ku sheegayo, Cabdulle Raage iyo odoyaal la socday waxay habeenkaas ka saxiixeen Jeneral Maxamed Siyaad Barre afar degmo.

Marka la fiiriyo gobolladii iyo degmooyinkii la abuuray iyo sheekadaniba waxay ku tusayaaninuusan jirin halbeeg la raaci jiray oo ay ku xirnayd Jeneral Siyaad Barre xaaladdiisu sida ay tahay. Marka haddii sidan gobollo lagu sameeyey lagu duldhiso nidaamka federaalka waxaa ka imanaya dhowr cilladood. Tan hore, waxaa laga tagayaa caddaaladda waayo waxaa jira gobollo dadka deggen uusan nidaamkii milatarigu jeclayn xilligaas, iyo gobollo kale oo dadkoodu aysan baraarug siyaasi ah lahayn. Labadan arrimood oo iskaashaday waxay keenayaan in la sharciyeeyo wax aan ku iman nidaam sharci ah ama aan caqligu qaadan karin.

Haddii xitaa la isku oggolaado oo la aqbalo 18 gobol, ma ahan suurtagal dhaqaale ahaan in lagu saleeyo nidaamka federaalka. Tusaale, ma jirto awood dhaqaale ama aqooneed oo ay Soomaalidu ku wadi karto18 baarlamaan, 18 xukuumadood, 18 ah boliiska gobollada, 18 ah maxkamado kala duwan, iyo 18 ah shaqaale dowaldeedyada gobollada. Waxaa arrintan diidaya awoodda dhaqaale iyo tan aqooneed ee hadda jira. 

Sida uu ii sheegey qof xog-ogaal ah, waxay dowladda KMG ah (xilligii dowladdii Carta) isku dayday inay baahiso maamulkeeda. Gobollada iyo degmooyinka qaar ayaa muujiyey inay doonayeen inay raacaan nidaamka Carta lagu soo dhisay. Xukuumaddii Dr. Cali Khaliif Galayr ayaa waxay ku tiri degmooyinkaas “idinku qorta boliis oo dhaqaalo ahaan isa-sii dabbara intii muddo ah, annaguna waxaan idinka kaalmayn doonnaa waxyaalaha kale.” Waxay sheegeen mas‟uuliyiintii degmooyinkaas inaysan awoodin inay qortaan boliis. Weliba degmooyinka qaarkood waa kuwa lagu tuhmo inay ugu roon yihiin degmooyinka dalka dhaqaalo ahaan. 

Haddaba, marka si kasta oo loo fiiriyo laguma salayn karo nidaamka federaalka 18 gobol. Laakiin, haddana waxaa jirta in dastuurka Dowladda KMG ah ee xilligaas jirtay ay ku qoran tahay in nidaamka federaalka ah lagu saleeyo 18 gobol.

Waxaa iyaduna xiiso gaar ah leh cayaarihii gobollada ee dhawaan lagu qabtay Garowe, caasimadda Puntland. Runtii, waxay ahayd dhacdo weyn oo ay ku ammaanan yihiin bahdaisboortiga iyo shacabka iyo dowladda Puntland. Laakiin xiisaha gaarka ah ee ay dhacdadani u leedahay doodda la xiriirta nidaamka federaalka waa in dad badan oo Soomaaliyeed ay isla oggol yihiin gobolladii uu kacaanku ka tagay, loona arko inay sharci ahaayeen. Runtiina, dhacdadan waxaa laga daliishan karaa in aragtida taageeraysa 18-ka gobol ay ka culus tahay kuwa kale.

Waxaan rumaysanahay inay taasi horumar tahay. Hayeeshee, anigu sideedaba ma qabo in nidaamka federaalku ka shaqayn karo dalka. Haddii la samaynayana waxaan qabaa inaan gobolladu ka badan afar, la iskuna raaciyo hab ku salaysan qaaciddooyinka dhaqaalaha iyo horumarka.

Gunaanad

Waxaan soo jeedinayaa inaynaan ku qancin waxa u sahlan hey‟adaha caalamiga ah iyo waxay ay dalalka deriska ah, gaar ahaan Itoobiya, rabto. Dadka iyo dalka Soomaaliyeed ma laha calaamadihii lama huraan ka dhigayey in nidaam federal ah lagu maamulo. Waxaa jira waxyeellooyin badan oo uu nidaamku wato asal ahaan. Dhammaantood waxay saamayn xun ku leeyihiin aayaha iyo qarannimada ummada Soomaaliyeed. Dhammaan waxyaalaha waxtarka ah ee ku jira nidaamka federaalka waa laga heli karaa nidaamyada kale ee ka dhibka yar. Waxaa intaas dheer in aysan jirin hab gobollo oo ay Soomaalidu heshiis ku tahay. Xitaa haddii ay dhacdo in la isku raaco hab ka mid ah kuwa aan soo sheegay, waxaa muuqda inaynaan dhaqaale ahaan iyo aqoon ahaan ka bixi karin nidaamkan. 
Waxaan rumeysnahay in nidaamakani uusan annaga naga iman, uusanna xallinayn mushkiladdeenna. Walow ay u badan tahay in niyadda bulshada caalamku aysan xumeyn oo ay doonayaan inay xal u helaan mushkiladda Soomaalida, haddana waxaa hubaal ah in dalalka deriska ah ay dantooda ka hormarinayaan tan Soomaalida. Itoobiya iyo Kenya waa inaynaan ka filin inay wanaag la doonayaan Soomaalida. Waxaa muuqda in Itoobiya ay iyadu si gaar ah u dooneyso nidaamkan oo ay weliba qaab gooni ah u rabto. Guddiyada loo saaray inay ka soo taliyaan iyo ergada ansixisay waa dad ay inta badan Itoobiya soo xushay ama ay raalli ka noqotay. Haddaba, taas kaliya ayaa ku filan dadka Soomaaliyeed inay ka digtoonaadaan arrintan waayo waxaa jirta dibindaabyo lagu doonayo inaysan Soomaalidu waligeed qaran noqon.

Nidaamka federaalkuna, sida aan qabo, waxa uu ugu horreeyaa dibindaabyooyinkaas.

Halista Dastuurka Cusub ee Soomaaliya! Halkaan ka akhri 

We Somalis were called all kinds of names, pastoral nomads, Africa’s remaining warlords, failed state,

The most corrupt nation on earth, pirates of the Indian ocean but one ever called us stupid. The fact that the Somali economy regardless of its lack of fully functioning government has survived over 20 years of civil war. Our communication and media leads many African countries who enjoyed political stability. The Somali Diaspora all over the world leads other immigrants in education, business and remittance to Homeland is a testament that Somalia will rebound and get on its feet soon.

Somalia proper which includes all the other lands and mini states was divided into 5 pieces by UK & others under the auspices of the 4 powers; victors of WWII. Somalia was among the first in Africa the British used aircraft to bomb fortresses and other bases in Northern Somalia in the 1920’s. The British never forgave Somalia in choosing the Italians over them during the Trusteeship period. That is why they gave the Haud Reserve Area and the NFD to Ethiopia and Kenya. We Somalis have always had a love hate relationship with Great Britain. We were and still are always suspicious of the British motives in trying to negotiate an end game for the long standing Somali conflict- which is both fraternal and clannish after a long hiatus . More Somali Diaspora chose to live UK than in any other country. UK is a very welcoming country with a lot of freedoms not available in the rest of Europe. The British understand the Somalis better than any European country and has always succeeded in getting the Somali people together by using both the stick of the world community and the carrot of the European Union. In the old Colonial days the British used round up the camel of the Somali Nomads in order to bring them together after a conflict and lock them in a location until they settle their differences. The BBC broadcasting was a tool used by the British extensively to reach the Somali people in areas governments and local administrations could not reach.

Our question today is why hold the London meeting now? Is it because oil discovery in Somalia or other mineral resources that might get in the hands of the Iranians or the Turks? Having had the opportunity to be a diplomat in Turkey in the late 1980’s & early 90’s I noted that the British and the Turks never liked each other but they respect each other. The British could never get over the sinking of Royal Navy ships by the Ottoman Turks and the Ottoman Turks never forget how the British inspired a revolt against the Ottoman Empire in the Arab countries promising them full independence and nationhood. The present UK government wants to live in the glory of its past. The current UK Foreign secretary’s new world engagement policy is paying off. The fact that he could bring together over 40 countries and stakeholders within a short period should be commended. There will memorandum of understanding other recommendations that will come out of this meeting; let us hope it will be one that will hold together the unity of the Somali people.

Farah Amalo
Chairman of Somali American Peace Development
Washington DC USA
amalofa86@gmail.com

Moment Media Group – Garoonka diyaaradaha magaalada Garoowe ayaa waxaa shalay gaaray wafdi ka socday beesha caalamka sida Midowga Yurub, Midowga Afrika iyo Mareykanka, kuwaas oo halkaasi u tagay sida la sheegay inay ka qeybgalaan shirka Garoowe xiritaankiisa, inkastoo uu dib u dhac ku yimid shirkaasi oo shalay lagu waday inuu soo xirmo sababo la xiriira isqabqasi iyo yimid intii aan lagu heshiin qodobada laga soo saaray.

Wafdiga shalay gaaray magaalada Garoowe ayaa waxaa ka mid ahaa madaxda amaanka iyo nabadda Midowga Yurub Valentine Aurichio, safiirka dowladda Ingiriiska u qaabilsan arrimaha Soomaaliya, Matt Bough, Safiirka Talyaaniga ee Soomaaliya, Andrea Mazzela iyo Guddoomiyaha Guddiga Midowga Afrika u qaabilsan Soomaaliya Boubacar Diara, sarkaal sare oo ka socda dalka Mareykanka iyo xubno kale.
 
Wafdigaasi ayaa ayaa markii la geeyay xarunta uu ka socdo shirku ayaa waxay kula kulmeen halkaasi Guddoomiyaha Baarlamaanka dowladda KMG Shariif Xasan SheekhAadan, Ra’isul wasaaraha ukuumadda KMG, Madaxweynaha Puntland iyo Madaxweynaha maamulka Galmudug, kuwaas oo ay kala hadleen qaabka uu u socdo shirka iyo qodobada la doonayo in laga soo saaro fulintooda.

Horey ayaa waxa ugu sugnaa magaalada Garoowe madaxa siyaasadda Qaramada Midoobey ee Soomaaliya Augustine Mahiga, ku xigeenka wakiilka Midowga Afrika Soomaalia Wafulu Wmanyini, adaxa barnaamijka nabadda iyo dib heshiisiinta urur goboleedka IGAD Kibruto Arab Kirwa iyo weliba wafdi ka socda dowladda Jabuuti uu horkacayo wasiirka Awqaafta Xaamid Cabdi Suldaan, sidoo kale waxaa shalay shirka gaaray wafdi uu hogaaminayo Madaxweynaha dowladda KMG Sheekh Shariif Sheekh Axmed si uu uga qeybgalo gebagebada shirkaasi.

Ayadoo uu maalmahaanba shirka wadatashiga ka socday magaalada Garowe ee caasimada maamulka Puntland, ayaa habeenkii xalay ahaa saqdii dhexe waxaa lasoo gaba gabeeyay shirkaas oo ay dhinacyada Soomaalida iyo beesha caalamkaba wax kawada saxiixeen waxyaabihii kasoo baxay.

Saxiixa qodobada shirka ayaa saacado badan qaatay taasoo keentay in xalay saqdii dhexe ay wada saxiixaan dhanacyadu.

Waxyaabihii lagu heshiiyay shirka ayaa waxaa kamid ahaa

• 1. Yaraynta tirada xildhibaanada baarmlamaanka oo la isku raacay in laga dhigo 250.
• 2. Ansixinta dastuurka oo laysku raacay in ergooyin 1000 gaaraya oo bulshada qaybaheeda lagasoo kala xulay ay u codeeyaan.
• 3. Sameynta gole 54-xubnood ka kooban oo baarlamaanka ka sareeya iyo nidaamka maamul ee dalka oo laysla gartay in laga dhigo Federal ku salaysan 18kii gobol ee horay u jiray..

Qodobada heshiiskaan ayaa waxaa wax ka saxiixay madaxweynaha dowlada KMG Soomaaliya, Shariif Sheekh Axmed, gudoomiyaha baarlamaanka Soomaaliya Shariif Xasan Sheekh Aadan, raisalwasaaraha xukuumada KMG Soomaaliya Dr C/weli Maxamed Cabdi Gaas, madaxweynaha maamulka Puntland, C/raxmaan Sheekh Maxamed Faroole, madaxweynaha maamulka Galmudug Maxamed Axmed Caalin, Dr Agustine Mahiga, ergayga gaarka ah ee Qaramada midoobay u qaabilsan arimaha Soomaaliya iyo sidoo kale Ahlu suna waljameeca oo ayadana wax ka saxiixday heshiiska.

Faalo Qotobka 3aad oo oranayo  in dalka  laga dhigo Federal ku salaysan 18kii gobol ee horay u jiray..

Waa Gobolladii Dowladdii Milatriga ee Siyaad Barre:

Dowladdii uu hoggaamiyaha iyo madaxweynahaba u ahaa Jeneral Maxamed Siyaad Barre waxay dalka la wareegtay sanadkii 1969 iyadoo uu markaa dalku ka koobnaa siddeed gobol. Muddadii 21-kasanoahayd ee uu dalka ka talinayey Jeneral Maxamed Siyaad Barre wuxuu ku daray toban gobol. Haddaba waxaa isweydiin leh kororsiimadan muxuu nidaamku ku salaynayey?
Runtii lama garanayo qaabka uu Kacaanku raaci jiray marka uu abuurayo gobollo cusub. Nin odoy ah oo ka tirsanaa maamulkaas ayaan weydiiyey halbeegga la adeegsan jiray marka la samaynayo gobol ama degmo cusub. Ninkaasi wuxuu iigu jawaabay “dalka waxaa heystay nin keliteliye ah, wuxuuna u maamuli jiray sida uu u arko sax isagu. Gobollada iyo degmooyinka iyo go‟aannada kale ee waaweyna isaga ayaa samayn jiray.” 

Waxaa arrintan sii xoojinaya sheeko aan ka maqlay Cabdulle Raage Taraawiiloo ahaa halabuur caan ku ah bulshada dhexdeeda. Cabdulle Raage oo hadalka cajal ku duubay wuxuu ka sheekeyey dood dhexmartay isaga iyo Jeneraal Maxamed Siyaad Barre. Cabdulle Raage wuxuu leeyahay waxaa ii yeeray Madaxweyne Maxamed Siyaad Sanadkii 1990 oo ku beegnayd xilligii ay saxiixeen odoyaashu warqad ay ugu baaqayaan in uu Jananku is-casilo (Manafesto Group).

“Siyaad Barre ayaa wuxuu igala hadlay arrimaha warqaddan iyo qabiillada ka danbeeya,” ayuu yiri Cabdulle Raage. Siyaad Barre wuxuu igu yiri buu Cabdulle leeyahay, “Waxaa ii heshiiyey Majeerteen iyo Habargidir, marka waxaan doonayaa inaad tolkaa ka reebto arrintan oo aad idinku (qabiil ahaan) wax igala qabataan oo aad Kacaanka taageertaan.” Waxaan ku iri, ayuu Cabdulle Raage ku leeyahay cajaladda, “dadka saxiixay warqadaha kuma jiro qof aan aniga heybta hoose (Daa‟uud) isku nahay.”

Wuxuu intaas raaciyey, labo kulan oo kale iyo dood dheer kadib ayuu Siyaad Barre igu yiri, “waxaan degmo kaaga dhigayaa meeshii aad ku dhalatay oo magaceeda la yiraa Ruun Nirgood.” Cabdulle Raage wuxuu leeyahay waan ka diiday arrintaas Madaxweyanaha waayo waxaan weydiistay inuu degmo ka dhigo meeshaan10 sano ka hor, wuuna ii diiday. Dabadeed, sida uu cajaladda ku sheegayo, Cabdulle Raage wuxuu billaabay inuu goobta ka tiriyo gabay dheer oo uu Kacaanka ugu abaalsheeganayo wixii uu u galay iyo sidii uu Kacaanku ugu jisaaray ee uu ii xiray. “Markii aan gabaygii dhameeyey ayuu Siyaad Barre yiri, „waxaan ku darayaa Warshiikh.‟” Markaas baan ku iri, “Caadley ku dar.” Siyaad Barre wuu diiday arrintaas waayo wuxuu yiri waxaa la iga laayey askar Caadley, laakiin waxaan ku darayaa Biyacado. Isku soo duuboo, sida uu cajaladda ku sheegayo, Cabdulle Raage iyo odoyaal la socday waxay habeenkaas ka saxiixeen Jeneral Maxamed Siyaad Barre afar degmo.

Marka la fiiriyo gobolladii iyo degmooyinkii la abuuray iyo sheekadaniba waxay ku tusayaaninuusan jirin halbeeg la raaci jiray oo ay ku xirnayd Jeneral Siyaad Barre xaaladdiisu sida ay tahay. Marka haddii sidan gobollo lagu sameeyey lagu duldhiso nidaamka federaalka waxaa ka imanaya dhowr cilladood. Tan hore, waxaa laga tagayaa caddaaladda waayo waxaa jira gobollo dadka deggen uusan nidaamkii milatarigu jeclayn xilligaas, iyo gobollo kale oo dadkoodu aysan baraarug siyaasi ah lahayn. Labadan arrimood oo iskaashaday waxay keenayaan in la sharciyeeyo wax aan ku iman nidaam sharci ah ama aan caqligu qaadan karin.

Haddii xitaa la isku oggolaado oo la aqbalo 18 gobol, ma ahan suurtagal dhaqaale ahaan in lagu saleeyo nidaamka federaalka. Tusaale, ma jirto awood dhaqaale ama aqooneed oo ay Soomaalidu ku wadi karto18 baarlamaan, 18 xukuumadood, 18 ah boliiska gobollada, 18 ah maxkamado kala duwan, iyo 18 ah shaqaale dowaldeedyada gobollada. Waxaa arrintan diidaya awoodda dhaqaale iyo tan aqooneed ee hadda jira. 

Sida uu ii sheegey qof xog-ogaal ah, waxay dowladda KMG ah (xilligii dowladdii Carta) isku dayday inay baahiso maamulkeeda. Gobollada iyo degmooyinka qaar ayaa muujiyey inay doonayeen inay raacaan nidaamka Carta lagu soo dhisay. Xukuumaddii Dr. Cali Khaliif Galayr ayaa waxay ku tiri degmooyinkaas “idinku qorta boliis oo dhaqaalo ahaan isa-sii dabbara intii muddo ah, annaguna waxaan idinka kaalmayn doonnaa waxyaalaha kale.” Waxay sheegeen mas‟uuliyiintii degmooyinkaas inaysan awoodin inay qortaan boliis. Weliba degmooyinka qaarkood waa kuwa lagu tuhmo inay ugu roon yihiin degmooyinka dalka dhaqaalo ahaan. 

Haddaba, marka si kasta oo loo fiiriyo laguma salayn karo nidaamka federaalka 18 gobol. Laakiin, haddana waxaa jirta in dastuurka Dowladda KMG ah ee xilligaas jirtay ay ku qoran tahay in nidaamka federaalka ah lagu saleeyo 18 gobol.

Waxaa iyaduna xiiso gaar ah leh cayaarihii gobollada ee dhawaan lagu qabtay Garowe, caasimadda Puntland. Runtii, waxay ahayd dhacdo weyn oo ay ku ammaanan yihiin bahdaisboortiga iyo shacabka iyo dowladda Puntland. Laakiin xiisaha gaarka ah ee ay dhacdadani u leedahay doodda la xiriirta nidaamka federaalka waa in dad badan oo Soomaaliyeed ay isla oggol yihiin gobolladii uu kacaanku ka tagay, loona arko inay sharci ahaayeen. Runtiina, dhacdadan waxaa laga daliishan karaa in aragtida taageeraysa 18-ka gobol ay ka culus tahay kuwa kale.

Waxaan rumaysanahay inay taasi horumar tahay. Hayeeshee, anigu sideedaba ma qabo in nidaamka federaalku ka shaqayn karo dalka. Haddii la samaynayana waxaan qabaa inaan gobolladu ka badan afar, la iskuna raaciyo hab ku salaysan qaaciddooyinka dhaqaalaha iyo horumarka.

Gunaanad

Waxaan soo jeedinayaa inaynaan ku qancin waxa u sahlan hey‟adaha caalamiga ah iyo waxay ay dalalka deriska ah, gaar ahaan Itoobiya, rabto. Dadka iyo dalka Soomaaliyeed ma laha calaamadihii lama huraan ka dhigayey in nidaam federal ah lagu maamulo. Waxaa jira waxyeellooyin badan oo uu nidaamku wato asal ahaan. Dhammaantood waxay saamayn xun ku leeyihiin aayaha iyo qarannimada ummada Soomaaliyeed. Dhammaan waxyaalaha waxtarka ah ee ku jira nidaamka federaalka waa laga heli karaa nidaamyada kale ee ka dhibka yar. Waxaa intaas dheer in aysan jirin hab gobollo oo ay Soomaalidu heshiis ku tahay. Xitaa haddii ay dhacdo in la isku raaco hab ka mid ah kuwa aan soo sheegay, waxaa muuqda inaynaan dhaqaale ahaan iyo aqoon ahaan ka bixi karin nidaamkan. 
Waxaan rumeysnahay in nidaamakani uusan annaga naga iman, uusanna xallinayn mushkiladdeenna. Walow ay u badan tahay in niyadda bulshada caalamku aysan xumeyn oo ay doonayaan inay xal u helaan mushkiladda Soomaalida, haddana waxaa hubaal ah in dalalka deriska ah ay dantooda ka hormarinayaan tan Soomaalida. Itoobiya iyo Kenya waa inaynaan ka filin inay wanaag la doonayaan Soomaalida. Waxaa muuqda in Itoobiya ay iyadu si gaar ah u dooneyso nidaamkan oo ay weliba qaab gooni ah u rabto. Guddiyada loo saaray inay ka soo taliyaan iyo ergada ansixisay waa dad ay inta badan Itoobiya soo xushay ama ay raalli ka noqotay. Haddaba, taas kaliya ayaa ku filan dadka Soomaaliyeed inay ka digtoonaadaan arrintan waayo waxaa jirta dibindaabyo lagu doonayo inaysan Soomaalidu waligeed qaran noqon.

Nidaamka federaalkuna, sida aan qabo, waxa uu ugu horreeyaa dibindaabyooyinkaas.

Halista Dastuurka Cusub ee Soomaaliya! Halkaan ka akhri 

New York (MMG) Fadhi xaley goordame ay ka yeesheen xubnaha Golaha Amaanka ee Qaramada Midoobay xaaladda Soomaaliya ayaa waxa cod dheer ku anixiyyay qaraar ogolaanaya kordhinta tirada ciidmada AMISOM ee ka howlgala Somaliya, iyo xoojinta Ciidamada Dowladda KMG ah ee Somalia. 15 xubnood ee Golaha Amaanka isku raacay in la kordhiyo ciidamada AMISOM lana gaarsiiyo 17,700 oo askari kuwaas oo horrey ay u codsadeyn  Midowga Africa iyo IGAD sii loo dardargaliyo dagaalka lagula jiro Shabaabka Soomaaliya oo dhawaan la midoobay Al-Qaaida.

Golaha oo kulan xalay ay ku yeeshay magaalada Newyork ayaa sheegay in loo baahan in isha lagu hayo xaaladda dalka ku yaala geeska Africa.

Danjiraha  gaarka ah ee Qaramada Midoobay u Qaabilsan Soomaaliya Agustine Mahiga ayaa u sheegay madaxda xalay joogtya gebagagabii shirkii Garowe labo ee ka dhacay xarunta Puntland ayaa talleefon ugu sheegay  golaha amaanka QM in loo baahan yahay in la kordhiyo ciidamada AMISOM ee ku sugan Soomaaliya.

Wuxuu u sheegay ergada joogtay magaalada Garoowe Golaha amaanka in uu  uu ogolaaday in tirada ciidamada AMISOM ee Somaliya ka howlgala oo hadda tira ahaan loo ogolyahay 12,000 in la gaarsiiyo 17,700 oo askari .

Mr. Mahiga waxaa kaloo uu sheegay in isla qaraarkaasi uu goluhu u ansixiyay in la kordhiyo awoodda Ciidamada DKMG ah ee Soomaaliya isla markaana la taageero.

Toddobaadka dambe ayaa laga doodi doonaa si rasmi ah kordhinta ciidamada AMISOM maalin ka hor shirka ka dhacay magaalada London ee looga hadlaayo arrimaha Soomaaliya oo ajandaha ay ku jiraan in la xoojiyo taageerada beesha caalamka ay siineyso AMISOM iyo ciidamada Dowladda.